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https://adminsm.asisonline.org/Pages/Preserving-Precious-Property.aspxPreserving Precious PropertyGP0|#cd529cb2-129a-4422-a2d3-73680b0014d8;L0|#0cd529cb2-129a-4422-a2d3-73680b0014d8|Physical Security;GTSet|#8accba12-4830-47cd-9299-2b34a43444652018-07-01T04:00:00Zhttps://adminsm.asisonline.org/pages/holly-gilbert-stowell.aspx, Holly Gilbert Stowell<p>​In late 2011, Ricardo Sanz Marcos received a disturbing phone call. As a consultant with the cultural properties firm PROARPA Security Asset Protection and Cultural Heritage, he was used to receiving security inquiries about cultural properties, but he dreaded this type of news the most. An ancient Roman villa known as the Villa of Santa Cruz, in the province of Burgos, Spain, had been robbed.</p><p>Thieves had carelessly removed tiles from a centuries-old mosaic, called "The Return of Bacchus of India," situated in the middle of the house. The 5th century floor mosaic, which depicted a Roman god, was one of the largest and best preserved in Europe and was rare for its size of 66 square meters. </p><p>"The mosaic was destroyed when they stole it," Sanz Marcos recalls. "It was a pity because it was a beautiful mosaic." </p><p>Normally, art thieves who rob archaeological sites are careful to preserve the works they steal, but Sanz Marcos notes that the economic crisis in Spain has left many thieves desperate to make off with precious artifacts. </p><p>Thankfully, the artwork was restored to match the original as closely as possible. "Now there is a replica of the mosaic at the site," he notes. "The art technicians are very talented." </p><p>After the incident, which occurred in December 2011, Sanz Marcos was called to evaluate security measures at the Roman villa and assess how they could be improved. He says that visit was when he "fell in love" with an ancient archaeological site in Spain, known as the site of Colonia Clunia Sulpicia, not far from the villa. </p><p>Just a few years later, Sanz Marcos and a fellow cultural properties expert would complete a comprehensive site and survey risk assessment for the ancient archaeological site, one of only a few such assessments ever conducted.  ​</p><h4>Cultural Properties</h4><p>For ASIS Cultural Properties Council member James Clark, CPP, bringing value to the international membership around cultural properties security was a challenge he wanted to solve. "We were trying to increase our own knowledge base and our own body of knowledge, because we really needed that," he says of the council. "Things are going on in Europe that haven't been going on in the United States—there's the whole business of terrorism at sites in Syria, and a few years ago in Iran." </p><p>Threats. Clark, managing partner of Clark Security Group, LLC, an independent security consultancy in Cleveland, Ohio, notes that terrorism has had a destructive effect on cultural properties worldwide. Many headlines have been dedicated to Syria, where the Islamic State has purposefully destroyed countless ruins and artifacts.</p><p>But warfare is not the only threat to these historic sites. People who simply pick up relics, not understanding or knowing their value, can be a major threat to site preservation, he says. Lack of preventative measures, such as onsite security and technology systems, puts cultural properties at risk as well. </p><p>"My experience in South America and Central America—in Mexico in particular—is that there are varying degrees of security," he says. "There are some really fabulous sites in Mexico where there is no security. There are sites all over Central America—even Machu Picchu in Peru—that have periodic security. It's a challenge in all these places." </p><p>So, when Clark met fellow council member Ricardo Sanz Marcos, they immediately connected over their joint desire to bring more recognition and security to international cultural properties. </p><p>"We hit it off pretty quickly, and we started talking about how we could bring benefit to what he's been practicing in Europe, and particularly in Spain," Clark says. </p><p><strong>CRISP Grant.</strong> Sanz Marcos was passionate about creating a standard of protection for smaller cultural properties around the world that didn't draw the same level of attention as larger sites like the Mayan Ruins, or other locations designated as World Heritage Sites by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). </p><p>"South of the Mexican border, down to South America, the south of Africa, the southwest of Asia—they are developing countries and they don't have the same level of industry or economy as developed nations, but they have cultural properties in the middle of the jungle or the middle of the desert," Sanz Marcos says. "That was the cornerstone of the Clunia report, to make a standard of protection for cultural properties in developing countries."</p><p>He and Clark worked with then council chair Robert Carotenuto, CPP, PCI, PSP, associate vice president of security at the New York Botanical Garden, to write a CRISP (Connecting Research in Security to Practice) grant proposal to the ASIS International Foundation. Carotenuto says that he hoped the grant would give the council a way to produce a document of critical significance for the field and international members. </p><p>Carotenuto credits former ASIS Foundation Board member Dr. Arthur Kingsbury, CPP, who had extensive experience in archaeological security, and Gary Miville, another former Cultural Properties Council chair, with helping them put together the grant. </p><p>After submitting the proposal, they were awarded the CRISP grant, and chose to do several site surveys and a security risk assessment at the place near and dear to Sanz Marcos's heart—Clunia. </p><p>"The grant was helpful because it gave us the ability to pick a topic, a subject, and a location that were nonthreatening," Clark says, referring to the lack of terroristic threat in Spain. "But there were some challenges because it was in a remote location, it's a huge property, and nobody was really taking care of it to a great degree." They began their research in November 2016, and published their findings in a CRISP report in January 2018. </p><p>Clark and Sanz Marcos conducted a four-day site survey, assessed the threats and risks to the property, and provided recommendations for increasing security at Clunia. They paid visits to nearby historic sites as well, and conducted meetings with stakeholders, including employees working on-site, cultural ministries, mayors of surrounding towns, and a security advisor in charge of the site's contract with Securitas. </p><p>Based on their findings, the authors provided detailed recommendations to the stakeholders, which they hoped would increase tourism, community involvement, and overall prosperity at Clunia. </p><h4>Challenges</h4><p>Clunia is situated on a plateau in the Province of Burgos in the Castilla y León region of North Central Spain, approximately 150 miles north of Madrid. The location is all but remote, nestled next to the town of Peñalba de Castro, which has a population of fewer than 85 people. Excavation of the site began in 1915, and archeologists found over the following decades that the colony was once a significant Roman city of the Iberian Peninsula, known as Hispania. </p><p>Clunia, which dates to the first century BC, is believed by scholars to be "the most representative of all the archaeological ruins that have been found from the Roman period in the Northern Iberian Peninsula," according to the site survey. The site includes a forum with a basilica, a temple, Roman baths, an aqueduct, and one of the largest theaters on the peninsula. Pottery, mosaics, sculptures, Roman coins, glass, and pieces of jewelry have been discovered at the site, as well as Christian symbols that indicate one of the first Christian communities in Hispania may have lived in Clunia. </p><p>The inhabitants were skilled, Clark says, as evidenced by the colony's remains. "They had farms, they had grain, they grew grapes, they made wine, they had hot and cold running water, and they were phenomenal engineers," he notes. "They could do whatever they wanted because they had those skills."</p><p>Still, only about 15,000 visitors a year come to see Clunia. Limited financial resources were found to be a major factor contributing to the site's poor security, with most funds coming from public administration budgets.</p><p><strong>Threats.</strong> Clunia's remote location, Clark explains, contributes to the property's security challenges. "The police response is an hour away," Clark notes, based on information he received from the Spanish Ministry of Culture. He adds that the threat of fire, as well as fire response, is another obstacle. The area is mostly dry grassland, making it prone to brushfires, and departments have limited resources to fight blazes in large remote areas. </p><p>"Those are the primary issues: fire, theft, and then just damage to the site," Clark notes. "When the grasslands are destroyed, the rains just wash away the soil which takes away the protection of the yet-to-be uncovered ruins." </p><p>While terrorism was not found to be a significant risk to Clunia, one of the biggest challenges was theft of material over time from the site. Security around the 6-kilometer (3.5 mile) perimeter and within the site was severely limited, leaving precious artifacts exposed to potential theft and the fragile ruins unguarded. </p><p>"The town right next to the site has homes and buildings adorned with all kinds of artifacts from Clunia, and anybody can go to the site and pick something up," Clark says. "Fortune seekers who bring their metal detectors in are able to find Roman coins and other objects that were obviously not excavated." </p><p>With limited security patrols, intruders were often able to dig large numbers of holes in search of artifacts. "On a single day in 2015, site personnel discovered more than 165 holes dug into the ground by unknown intruders who had sufficient time to render such destruction without discovery," they write in the report. "It is unknown what, if anything, was removed during these incidents."</p><p>While there was a lock on the gate that guarded the site entrance, several keys had been given out to members of the community, and to shepherds who needed to pass through with their flocks to graze.</p><p><strong>Resources.</strong> Clark and Sanz Marcos found in their assessment that security personnel and technologies at Clunia were severely limited. During public hours, a staff member who sold tickets at the gate and a guide who explained the history of the site were the only people consistently on the property. Additionally, a contract guard worked between 11:00 p.m. and 6:15 a.m., but the guard had no patrol vehicle to make tours. </p><p>The visitor center and artifact building, plus specific high-value artifacts inside, had alarm systems, but no one was monitoring video in real time. And with slow law enforcement response times, even if an alarm was triggered, the bad actors would have time to get away. ​</p><h4>Recommendations</h4><p>Based on their assessment, Clark and Sanz Marcos made several recommendations to increase both security and community involvement at Clunia. Their final recommendation was a holistic security approach with three components. The approach aimed to get the community on board with a sense of ownership of Clunia, provide policies and practices that complement the security technology and officers in place, and provide those officers with tools and technology that allow them to deter or stop bad actors from accessing the site. </p><p><strong>Intrusion detection.</strong> The authors recommended several security technologies, providing a detailed summary of costs for each specific purchase, such as re-keying the perimeter gates, adding thermal cameras, and purchasing an all-weather, all-terrain vehicle for the security guard. </p><p>Re-keying the gate would solve the issue of several missing keys that had been given out over the years. But the authors recommended that shepherds could continue grazing on the property, because it turned out the sheep helped prevent fire outbreaks by eating the dry brush. </p><p>Strategically placed cameras would notify security staff when someone penetrates the fence or trespasses on the site. "One of the technologies that we recommended were thermal imaging cameras mounted on poles, which can detect movement or motions up to a mile," Clark says. "We recommended four or five of those on the site."</p><p>Establishing a full-time security presence during all hours Clunia is closed to the public was suggested, which would include two officers: one to staff a control center within the visitor center, and another to perform patrols.</p><p>Clark adds that a new visitors center currently under construction could house a new video monitoring location and would serve as a further deterrent to people trying to desecrate the site. "This would allow people to park their vehicles, go through a pedestrian gate, go through the visitors center, pass a small museum there, then go up on the site," he says. "They wouldn't be able to bring metal detectors and shovels—and things of that nature—where they could desecrate the site." </p><p><strong>Community awareness.</strong> Because the Spanish Cultural Ministry has limited financial resources, Clark and Sanz Marcos determined that increasing community buy-in around Clunia could generate more revenue for protecting it. By educating surrounding communities about the history and significance of the site, the authors indicated the value that Clunia could bring to restaurants, hotels, and other nearby merchants. </p><p>"This process should begin by first working with community leaders such as mayors, legislative representatives, and business people, followed by focused community meetings, informational brochures, and regular communications from the cultural ministry," they write in the report. </p><p>They suggested a training program to educate schools, neighborhood associations, and other institutions about Clunia, and recommended a marketing strategy in conjunction with nearby properties to draw tourism. </p><p>Sanz Marcos iterates the importance of community buy-in for the success of any historic site. "If you transform the cultural property into a sustainable industry that creates jobs, health, wealth, and a better life for the population around it, you can preserve the property," Sanz Marcos notes. "We have to leave our cultural properties for our children in better condition than we received them."</p><p>While Clunia was Clark's first archaeological site survey, he has performed risk assessments at museums, libraries, and other cultural properties throughout his career. He says he found that the basic principles of effective physical security applied to Clunia. "The biggest surprise to me was how relatively simple the solutions are," he says. "You really need to do vulnerability assessments on all these sites. There's a lot of common ground here. but there are also a lot of idiosyncrasies about each individual site."</p><p>Carotenuto echoes the importance of paying attention to the uniqueness of each cultural property and says it's a best practice for any risk assessment. "As security professionals, we don't just go in and tell someone, 'Well, this is what you need,'" he says. "It has to be tailored to that environment, it has to fit with the culture of that place, and that to me is the most interesting thing about the Clunia report—they realized they needed to embrace the culture of that site." </p>

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https://adminsm.asisonline.org/Pages/Surveillance-and-Stereotypes.aspxSurveillance and Stereotypes<p>​Juveniles make up 40 percent of the shoplifters in the United States. Shoplifters, in total, contribute to billions of dollars of loss each year, according to the National Association for Shoplifting Prevention’s 2014 report <em>Shop­lifting Statistics.</em></p><p>To combat adolescent shoplifting, according to the report, retailers depend on private security officers combined with other security measures, including security cameras, observation mirrors, and radio-frequency identification (RFID) tags. </p><p>The key to apprehending juveniles during or after shoplifting, however, is to correctly determine whom to surveil. Security personnel often rely on a combination of common underlying physical characteristics—race, gender, and age—and behavioral indices—glancing at clerks nervously, assessing security measures, and loitering—to distinguish shoppers from potential shoplifters. </p><p>Are these surveillance decisions a result of bias? To find out, the authors conducted original academic research funded by the John Jay College of Criminal Justice of the City University of New York on how stereotypes play into who is suspected of shoplifting, how that suspect is dealt with, and what private security can do to limit discriminatory practices.​</p><h4>Existing Data</h4><p>A 2003 Journal of Experimental Psychology article, “The Influence of Schemas, Stimulus Ambiguity, and Interview Schedule on Eyewitness Memory Over Time,” which discussed research findings and lawsuits against retailers, concluded that stereotypes of juvenile shoplifters may unduly influence security officers to target juveniles on the basis of their physical characteristics, rather than their behaviors.</p><p>Over the past 20 years, the media has reported on cases in which the retail industry engaged in discriminatory practices. This is known as consumer racial profiling (CRP), “the use of race and or ethnicity to profile customers.” According to a 2011 study in the Criminal Justice Review, “Public Opinion on the Use of Consumer Racial Profiling to Identify Shoplifters: An Exploratory Study,” officers sometimes use CRP to determine which juvenile shoppers are potential or actual thieves. </p><p>Most people develop negative stereotypes about juvenile thieves through exposure to various types of media, particularly when they reside in areas that contain few minorities. The media has the unique ability to both shape and perpetuate society’s beliefs about which juveniles typically commit offenses through its selective coverage of crimes. </p><p>It is also common for the media to portray adolescents—particularly boys—as criminals. Biases are then used, whether consciously or unconsciously, in the private sector by retailers and security officers to target shoppers, and in the public sector by those in the legal system, including law enforcement officers, prosecutors, judges, and even legislators, to arrest and prosecute thieves.</p><p>The consequences of applying discriminatory practices can be seen in the private sector through lawsuits against retailers. Ethnic minority shoppers purport that they were targeted through excessive surveillance—and even through false arrests. </p><p>Researchers have shown that this automated bias occurs even when observers were trained to focus on behavioral cues, and it persists despite findings that shoplifting occurs across racial and ethnic groups, according to the 2004 Justice Quarterly article “Who Actually Steals? A Study of Covertly Observed Shoplifters.”</p><p>Stereotypes also affect retailers’ decisions on how to handle shoplifters, either formally by involving the police, or informally. The results of accumulated discrimination, accrued during each step in the legal process—initial involvement of police, decision to prosecute, conviction, and sentencing—continue in the legal system. This is evidenced by the disproportionate number of African- and Latin-American boys shown in the apprehension and arrest statistics of juvenile thieves, compared to their representation in the population, according to Our Children, Their Children: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Differences in American Juvenile Justice, a book published by the Chicago University Press. ​</p><h4>Current Research</h4><p>To test the premise that there is a widespread stereotype of the typical juvenile thief and shoplifter, our research team obtained information from young adults in two diverse areas:  97 psychology-major college students in a small city in the U.S. state of Kansas, and 156 security and emergency management majors at a college in a large city in New York state. </p><p><strong>Shoplifter profile. </strong>The psychology-major students were 83 percent European American. The rest of the students were represented as follows: 5 percent African American, 2 percent Asian American, 1 percent Latin American, and 9 percent of mixed or unknown descent.</p><p>The security and emergency management major students—72 percent of whom were male—came from a variety of backgrounds: 31 percent European American, 37 percent Latin American, 19 percent African American, 9 percent Asian American, and 2 percent Middle Eastern American.</p><p>Participants in both locations were asked to guess the common physical characteristics of a typical juvenile shoplifter—age, gender, ethnicity or race, and socioeconomic status. </p><p>The stereotypical juvenile shoplifters described by both the Kansas and New York respondents were remarkably similar: male, aged 14 to 17, and from lower- to middle-class families of African-American, Latin-American, or European-American descent. The two samples also indicated that the stereotypical thief was likely to have short or medium length brown or black hair and an identifying mark—such as a piercing. </p><p>These findings show commonality in the prevalence of certain physical characteristics, despite the diversity of the two groups of respondents, and demonstrate that American society has a well-developed juvenile shoplifter stereotype.</p><p><strong>Decision processes. </strong>After determining the stereotype, the research team considered whether juvenile shoplifter stereotypes affected respondents’ decisions. The goal was to determine the degree to which the respondents believed that physical characteristics influenced the security guards’ decisions regarding whom to surveil, and what consequences to apply when a youth was caught stealing.</p><p>The New York respondents read a brief scenario describing a juvenile shoplifter as either male or female and from one of five backgrounds: European American, African American, Asian American, Latin American, or Middle Eastern American. However, the description of the overt behaviors by the juvenile was the same for every scenario—selecting and returning shirts in a rack, glancing around the store, and stuffing a shirt into a backpack.</p><p>Respondents provided their opinions about the degree to which the security officer in the scenario relied on physical characteristics in surveilling a juvenile, and whether the retail manager and security officer should impose informal or formal sanctions on the shoplifter. Researchers reasoned that respondents should draw identical conclusions for surveillance and sanctions if they were simply evaluating the juvenile shoplifters’ behaviors, but that students would have different recommendations for these choices if their racial or ethnic stereotypes were activated.</p><p>Respondents who indicated a preference for applying informal sanctions did so more frequently for girls of African-American and Middle Eastern-American descent. These respondents also assessed that the officer described in the scenario based his or her surveillance decisions on physical characteristics. No other gender differences for race or ethnicity were notable when considering reliance on physical characteristics.</p><p>Stereotypes also affected decisions on how to sanction the shoplifter. Respondents were given the option of implementing one of four informal sanctions: speak to the juvenile, call parents to pick up the juvenile, get restitution, or ban the youth from the store. Their selection of the least severe sanction—talk to the juvenile—was doled out at a higher rate for boys than for girls of each ethnicity except European Americans, which did not differ.</p><p>The moderate level sanction—call the youth’s parents—was selected more for girls than for boys of African and Latin descent. The most severe level sanction—ban the youth from the store—was selected more for boys than for girls of African descent. However, it was selected more for girls than for boys of Asian, European, and Middle Eastern descent.<img src="/ASIS%20SM%20Callout%20Images/0417%20Feature%202%20Chart%201.jpg" class="ms-rtePosition-2" alt="" style="margin:5px;width:510px;" /></p><p>Respondents who indicated a preference for applying formal sanctions attributed physical characteristics to the guards’ surveillance decision for girls more than for boys of Latin descent; gender differences were not apparent for the other ethnicities. </p><p>Respondents were also given five formal sanctions for the youths: involve the police, prosecute the theft as larceny, impose a fine, give the youth diversion or community service, or put the incident on the youth’s criminal record. Their selection of the least severe sanction—involve the police—was endorsed more for boys than for girls of Asian, European, and Latin descent, but more for girls than for boys of African descent. No gender difference was apparent for youths of Middle Eastern descent.</p><p>The most severe sanction—diversion or community service—was preferred more for boys than for girls of African descent. A small percentage of respondents endorsed a criminal record for the theft of a shirt, but only for girls of African and European descent and for boys of Middle Eastern descent.</p><p>Finally, a comparison of our data revealed that respondents believed informal—rather than formal—consequences should be imposed for girls rather than for boys of Asian and European descent, and for boys rather than for girls of Latin descent. ​<img src="/ASIS%20SM%20Callout%20Images/0417%20Feature%202%20Chart%202.jpg" class="ms-rtePosition-2" alt="" style="margin:5px;width:519px;" /></p><h4>Lessons Learned</h4><p>Our findings clearly demonstrate that people have stereotypes about juvenile shoplifters. They also showed that people unconsciously use the typical physical characteristics of gender and race or ethnicity associated with their criminal stereotypes to make decisions and recommendations, such as whom to surveil and how to handle a shoplifting incident. Otherwise, there would not have been a difference in how the juvenile shoplifter was processed or punished, because the behaviors exhibited by all of the juveniles were identical across scenarios.</p><p>Consumer racial profiling is a defective filtering system that may direct private security officers’ attention to characteristics that are not reflective of actual shoplifting conduct. Our data suggests that CRP not only hurts retail businesses by discouraging minority consumers from shopping in their stores, but also simultaneously prevents security officers from apprehending shoplifters.</p><p>Other research, such as from “Juvenile Shoplifting Delinquency: Findings from an Austrian Study” published in the 2014 Journal for Police Science and Practice, shows that only 10 percent of juveniles are caught shoplifting. Even more disconcerting, the typical shoplifter steals on average 48 to 150 times before being apprehended. Clearly, retailers need a better strategy if they are to reduce loss due to shoplifting.</p><p>Another issue that was addressed was the decision to involve the legal system. Many businesses, despite having posted prosecution warnings, reported only about half of the adolescent shoplifters they caught to the police. </p><p>Retailers instead focus on minimizing loss and negative publicity, and may rationalize against reporting the offense to the police because they do not want to stigmatize the adolescent or because they consider it a one-time incident, particularly when the juvenile admits to the theft and then pays for or returns the items, according to the U.S. Department of Justice’s (DOJ) Community Oriented Policing Services.</p><p>These beliefs, however, may be misguided. Though current research is scarce, a 1992 study—The Sociology of Shoplifting: Boosters and Snitches Today—indicated that 40 to 50 percent of apprehended adolescent shoplifters reported that they continued shoplifting. </p><p>There are benefits for retailers who involve the legal system, especially for informal police sanctions. </p><p>First, criminal justice diversion programs and psychological treatment and educational programs treatment may reduce recidivism. For example, shoplifters who attended and completed a diversion program had significantly fewer re-arrests compared to those who failed to complete or did not attend, a DOJ study found.</p><p>Second, the private sector needs the support of the public sector to reduce shoplifting. Shoplifters can be given an opportunity to participate in first offender programs and, upon completion of classes on the effects of shoplifting, have their charges dismissed or even erased. ​</p><h4>Recommendations</h4><p>Retailers and private security officers need training to make them aware of their own biases and how their stereotypes affect their choices. They also need training to learn which behavioral indices are most effective in distinguishing shoppers from shoplifters. </p><p>If retailers do not make significant changes in guiding their employees—particularly security officers—towards objective measures of vigilance to prevent shoplifting, their financial loss will continue to be in the billions of dollars. </p><p>Private security officers must be taught how to treat all potential shoplifters, regardless of their gender, in the same way to prevent making mistakes and subjecting retailers to lawsuits for discriminatory security practices.</p><p>Overcoming unconscious biases is difficult. Prior to specialized training in bias identification and behavioral profiling, it is important to determine the biases of security officers. Self-assessment measures similar to the ones the researchers used in their study can be administered. </p><p>The officers should also keep records that specify each incident of shoplifting, what behaviors drew their attention to warrant surveillance, what act occurred to provoke them to approach the juvenile shoplifter, the items that were taken, the method used, the shoplifter’s demographics, how the situation was handled, who made the decision, and reasons for the decision. The officers should then review these records with their retail managers.</p><p>Retailers should also implement a mandatory training program to provide private security officers with the tools needed to identify shoplifting behaviors to increase detection and reduce shrink. </p><p>The incident records could be introduced and used to help identify the impact biases have on private security professionals’ decisionmaking about juvenile shoplifters. It would also help security guards learn the various types of suspicious behaviors that shoplifters exhibit, such as juveniles who make quick glances at staff, examine items in remote aisles, monitor security cameras and mirrors, and purposefully draw employees’ attention away from others.</p><p>Additionally, a practical component would be to show surveillance videos of the behaviors exhibited by juvenile shoplifters of different gender and race or ethnicity. In this way, the findings of past studies showing the insignificance of race, ethnicity, or gender can be learned through real-world examples.  </p><p>--<br></p><p><em><strong>Dr. Lauren R. Shapiro </strong>is an associate professor in the Department of Security, Fire, and Emergency Management at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. She has published several journal articles and chapters on the role of stereotypes in perception and memory for crime and criminals. <strong>Dr. Marie-Helen (Maria) Maras</strong> is an associate professor at the Department of Security, Fire, and Emergency Management at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. She is the author of several books, including Cybercriminology; Computer Forensics: Cybercriminals, Laws, and Evidence; Counterterrorism; and Transnational Security.   ​</em></p>GP0|#cd529cb2-129a-4422-a2d3-73680b0014d8;L0|#0cd529cb2-129a-4422-a2d3-73680b0014d8|Physical Security;GTSet|#8accba12-4830-47cd-9299-2b34a4344465